Sunday, February 22, 2015

Archaeological concepts of community confront urban realities today

Yesterday I spent my Saturday at a meeting of the Phoenix organization, "Neighborhoods Connect." The goal was to gather together neighborhood organizers and others interested in improving social life in Phoenix neighborhoods, to share experiences and examples of successful practices. The impetus for this first stakeholders meeting was to increase civic participation within the city of Phoenix. The State of Arizona has low levels of civic participation compared to other states, and the Neighborhoods Connect initiative grew out of several organizations  to improve civic participation, including "The Arizona We Want", and the Center for the Future of Arizona. Of particular concern to the neighborhoods program is a recent Pew poll finding that only 12% of the people of Arizona believe that the people in their community care about one another.

The organizer of Neighborhoods Connect, Susan Edwards, roped me into the organizing committee after reading some of the posts on my urban blog about neighborhoods and communities (one exampleanother example). My archaeological knowledge of ancient neighborhoods didn't contribute much to this program, but my broader knowledge of the social scientific study of urban neighborhoods turned out to be very useful to the group at a few key points in the planning process. In particular, I circulated a paper by John McKnight, which helped the group articulate their goals.   (McKnight, John   2013   Neighborhood Necessities: Seven Functions that Only Effectively Organized Neighborhoods Can Provide. National Civic Review 102(3): 22-24). For more information on McKnight, see his website.

During a lull in the meeting yesterday, I reflected on how this effort related to archaeological research on neighborhoods and communities. This was a very practical group of people: neighborhood organizers, police officers, people from key institutions (churches, schools, hospitals, the Mayor's office), an explorer post, a bunch of energetic junior-high kids form the Phoenix Police Department's "Wake-Up" program, a couple of city officials, and a few academics from ASU. These people want to get more city residents to know and interact with their neighbors, which will help reduce crime, increase civic participation, and improve the quality of life in the city.

It occurred to me that the definition of "community" that I favor, and one used by many archaeologists in Southwest archaeology, related very well to the activities and goals of Neighborhoods Connect. This concept focuses on the interaction among people as the key defining features of social communities. In the words of Bowles and Gintis:

“By community we mean a group of people who interact directly, frequently and in multi-faceted ways. People who work together are usually communities in this sense, as are some neighbourhoods, groups of friends, professional and business networks, gangs, and sports leagues. The list suggests that connection, not affection, is the defining characteristic of a community. Whether one is born into a community or one entered by choice, there are normally significant costs to moving from one to another.” (p.F420)

Then I considered an alternative definition of community as promoted by interpretivist archaeologists: "the community as a social constituted institution”(Yaeger and Canuto 2000). In this approach, the focus is:

"on the constitution of past social groups through dialogic relations to other subjects as well as the material world. In this approach, community is a social group with an explicit discursive identity that develops through participation in meaningful practices, at meaningful places, and using meaningful objects.” (Canuto & Yaeger 2012:702).

The Bowles and Gintis definition is understandable and useful to the people struggling to improve Phoenix neighborhoods. My participation included some discussion of their concept. On the other hand, I doubt that the Canuto and Yaeger concept would have any resonance at all. In fact, I can't imagine even saying those words in such a gathering, much less trying to explain to people what the definition might mean. Part of the problem is writing and semantics, the contrast between plain and clear scholarly writing (Bowles and Gintis) and postmodern obfuscatory prose. But part of the problem is conceptual. The 150 participants yesterday agreed that social interaction is THE key attribute of successful neighborhoods, and there was little emphasis on neighborhood or community identity or meaning.

While community activism in a contemporary city is a very different enterprise form trying to make social sense of archaeological remains, I believe strongly that our archaeological concepts and research should transcend the specific research setting of our fieldwork. If a definition of community or neighborhood makes little sense in the modern world,  why should we expect it to make sense for the distant past? I explore some of these issues of defining community in Smith (n.d.).

Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis
2002    Social Capital and Community Governance. The Economic Journal 112 (483): F419-F436.

Canuto, Marcello A. and Jason Yaeger
2012    Communities in Ancient Mesoamerica. In The Oxford Handbook of Mesoamerican Archaeology, edited by Deborah L. Nichols and Christopher Pool, pp. 697-707. Oxford University Press, New York.

Smith, Michael E.
n.d.    Quality of Life and Prosperity in Ancient Households and Communities. In The Oxford Handbook of Historical Ecology and Applied Archaeology (book in preparation), edited by Christian Isendahl and Daryl Stump. Oxford University Press, New York.

Yaeger, Jason and Marcello A. Canuto
2000    Introducing an Archaeology of Communities. In The Archaeology of Communities, edited by Marcello A. Canuto and Jason Yaeger, pp. 1-15. Routledge, New York.

Saturday, February 14, 2015

Is archaeology relevant? Is "relevance" irrelevant?

The topic of relevance seems to be cropping up more frequently in archaeology. Our findings from the past are claimed to be relevant to contemporary concerns. I have no quibble with this viewpoint (Smith 2010), and indeed, my urban blog, Wide Urban World, is based on this premise. But the way the topic of relevance is used by most archaeologists today seems off the mark. The typical format is to assert, with little context or warrant, that some particular archaeological findings are relevant to some modern concern. This is usually done in an archaeology or anthropology journal, or other disciplinary work, in places that guarantee it will NOT to be seen by anyone outside of our field. As a result, such claims of relevance are irrelevant. If there is virtually no chance that policy-makers and politicians will read these claims, and even if someone in the policy world were to read our journals, the chances that our claims of relevance would be acted upon are nil. In this sense, claims of "relevance" are irrelevant.

I am prompted to write this after seeing a few recent examples of such irrelevant relevance claims. For example, the recently released American Anthropological Association's "AAA Statement on Humanity and Climate Change" includes this text:

"6. The archaeological record reveals diverse human adaptations and innovations to climate stresses occurring over millennia, providing evidence that is relevant to contemporary human experience" (emphasis in original). 

And then yesterday I read a review of a book about ancient markets and commercial economies that suggested that the book is relevant to the recent economic turndown. The review stated that "this book could easily be subtitled 'Ancient Widsom for Wall Street'." Incredible. Some Wall Street trader is going to read an archaeology book about ancient non-capitalist economies and act on what he or she learns. Give me a break. This is a pipe dream.

I gave a talk last fall at a workshop of the iHOPE-Maya group. The work of that group is described in Chase and Scarborough (2014); my talk is Smith (2014). I do not have a written version of the talk. The following is a brief outline of my talk.

To start, comparative analysis is hard (Smith 2012a), and it is particularly difficult to compare ancient and modern social phenomena when archaeologists have yet to produce reliable, synthetic, quantifiable findings about the past (Smith 2010). So, what is needed to claim that a particular archaeological finding is "relevant" (in a useful and realistic way) to some modern concern?

First, we need a good scientific basis for the archaeological find. That is, we need an explicit, evidence-based conclusion that most reasonable people will accept as correct. Abstract theory and speculation are not helpful. They may be useful to some people, in some contexts, but if you want someone to pay attention to an empirical finding, it needs to be a strongly-supported scientific conclusion. My point in Smith (2010) was that for ancient cities, we so far have few such conclusions that extend beyond a single city. It is easy to say, "At Teotihuacan, they did such-and-such," but much harder to say that "at all large ancient Mesoamerican cities, they did such-and-such."

Second, someone has to take up the archaeological claim and use it for some purpose: a policy-maker, a journalist, or another scientist. This is the tough part. These folks are just not going to read our technical literature and come up with useful findings. Some journalists do engage with archaeologists, but they are more likely to get things wrong than to report accurately on a find and its scientific significance. There is a scholarly literature on the relationship between social sciences and policy, and I draw on that literature here.

van Langenhove (2011) identifies several levels of impact on policy makers:
  1. Policy makers need to be aware of the new knowledge
  2. They need to pay attention to the new knowledge
  3. They need to form opinions/ attitudes about the knowledge
  4. They need to initiate actions based on that knowledge

Since policy makers are not going to read our journals, and few of us have the skills or fortitude to make our results known in the realm of policy, how might these processes of impact work? A major concept is translation: how technical findings get translated into simple terms that policy-markers can understand (Tseng 2012).  Most commonly in the social sciences, this is through intermediaries: entrepreneurs, advocacy groups, think tanks, and media consultants. But these things just don't exist for archaeology. The SAA and AIA do a very limited job in this arena. Most such work is actually done by university public relations offices, and they do a terrible job.

A big topic in the social science policy realm is "evidence-based policy" (e.g., Cherney and Head 2011, Bogenschneider and Corbett 2010). Empirical studies show that most policy is made with little or no consideration of the relevant social-science research. Politicians drafting laws about school lunch programs pay no attention at all to research on those programs. When the California legislature drafted a law about the purported relationship between video games and teen violence, they ignored the relevant research and let themselves be guided by biased promoters with inaccurate data. This is a fascinating case (Ferguson 2013); it went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ended up making a decision on which scientific evidence was valid and which was not (something the California legislature evidently had trouble with).

In a study of rural how policy gets made in rural  municipalities in Canada, Reimer and Brett (2013) found that:

“The results indicate that the respondents [local government officials] seldom provided justification for their claims and when they did, scientific evidence was infrequently used. Instead, the respondents most often used examples from their personal experience or public meetings as support [for their policy decisions]."

I recall seeing an estimate that of all the considerations that go into creating a piece of policy, the contribution of relevant evidence is almost always under 5%. Given these (and other) findings from research on social science policy, I see the chances of archaeological results being taken up and acted on by policy makers as just about nonexistent.

I have a different strategy. If social science research is going to be accommodated at all in the policy world, it is going to come from the best known specialists, not from archaeologists. It is going to come from the broader domain of knowledge about some phenomenon (urbanism, economics, demography, sustainability, whatever), rather than the limited domain of archaeological knowledge. I think archaeologists will advance farther in getting out our message beyond archaeology by trying to contribute to these broader domains. This has two advantages. First, we can help scholars create more realistic and better models of, say, urban neighborhoods, by expanding the domain beyond contemporary western cities. Second, this strategy can produce indirect influences on policy.

On the first front, I have been engaged in exercises of this sort for a while now, publishing in journals and attending conferences in other disciplines. There is a downside, of course. The time I spend in learning about these other disciplines is time I am not spending on my own Mesoamerican research. I published what I consider a major paper on ancient urban planning (Smith 2007), that is rather poorly cited by archaeologists because it is in a strange journal (Journal of Planning History). But these efforts have had some payoff in broadening perspectives on urbanism among some scholars in other disciplines.

On the second front, no policy maker is going to pay attention to my research on ancient urban neighborhoods, but they may very well pay attention to the work of people like Robert Sampson or Robert Chaskin.  These are two of the top researchers on neighborhood issues in contemporary cities, and both have been involved in policy work. If I can convince people like Sampson or Chaskin that archaeological research on neighborhoods is important and has something to say, that knowledge can become incorporated into their personal scholarly views, and perhaps have a policy impact (Smith 2012b). I do know that Sampson has taken an interest in ancient neighborhoods and has cited me, which is an encouraging first step.

Sorry to go on at such length. But rather than make unwarranted and decontextualized claims for the relevance of archaeological findings, I think we should be trying to refine our data, methods, and findings, and then we should promote them to scholars in other disciplines. If you think archaeology is "relevant" to some contemporary concern, then do the work needed to generate reliable knowledge. Translate it into nontechnical terms, and get it out to other scholars. Publish in non-archaeology journals. Contact other scholars and make your point. Put your money where your mouth is. Telling other archaeologists that you think your work is "relevant" may make you feel good, but it doesn't accomplish very much in the real world.


Bogenschneider, Karen and Thomas J. Corbett  (2010)  Evidence-Based Policymaking: Insights from Policy-Minded Researchers and Research-Minded Policymakers. Taylor and Francis, New York.

Chase, Arlen F. and Vernon L. Scarborough (editors)  (2014)  The Resilience and Vulnerabilityof Ancient Landscapes: Transforming Maya Archaeology through iHOPE. Archeological Papers vol. 24. American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC.

Cherney, Adrian and Brian W. Head  (2011)  Evidence Based Policy and Practice: Key Challenges for Improvement. Australian Journal of Social Issues 45(4):509-526.

Ferguson, Christopher J.  (2013)  Violent Video Games and the Supreme Court: Lessons for the Scientific Community in the Wake of Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association. American Psychologist 68(2):57-74.

Kintigh, Keith W., Jeffrey Altschul, Mary Beaudry, Robert Drennan, Ann Kinzig, Timothy Kohler, W. Frederick Limp, Herbert Maschner, William Michener, Timothy Pauketat, Peter Peregrine, Jeremy Sabloff, Tony Wilkinson, Henry Wright and Melinda Zeder  (2014)  Grand Challenges for Archaeology. American Antiquity 79(1):5-24.

Kintigh, Keith W., Jeffrey H. Altschul, Mary C. Beaudry, Robert D. Drennan, Ann P. Kinzig, Timothy A. Kohler, W. Frederick Limp, Herbert D. G. Maschner, William K. Michener, Timothy R. Pauketat, Peter Peregrine, Jeremy A. Sabloff, Tony J. Wilkinson, Henry T. Wright and Melinda A. Zeder  (2014)  Grand Challenges for Archaeology. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 122:879-880.

Reimer, Bill and Matthew Brett  (2013)  Scientific Knowledge and Rural Policy: A Long-distant Relationship. Sociologia Ruralis 53(3):272-290.

Smith, Michael E.  (2007)  Form and Meaning in the Earliest Cities: A New Approach to Ancient Urban Planning. Journal of Planning History 6(1):3-47.

  (2010)  Sprawl, Squatters, and Sustainable Cities: Can Archaeological Data Shed Light on Modern Urban Issues? Cambridge Archaeological Journal 20:229-253.

. (editor)  (2012a)  The Comparative Archaeology of Complex Societies. Cambridge University Press, New York.

  (2012b)  The Role of Ancient Cities in Research on Contemporary Urbanization. UGEC Viewpoints (Urbanization and Global Environmental Change) 8:15-19.

  (2014)  Can Archaeologists Make their Results Useful in the Modern World? Paper presented at the iHOPE Maya working group, Arizona State University, Tempe.

Tseng, Vivian  (2012)  The Uses of Research in Policy and Practice. Social Policy Report 26(1):1-22.

Van Langenhove, Luk  (2011)  Social Sciences and Policy Impact: The Case for a Participatory Approach. In Social Science and Policy Challenges - Democracy, Values and Capacities, edited by Giorgios Papanagnou, pp. 95-111. UNESCO, Paris.

Sunday, February 8, 2015

23 thousand citations

My Endnote bibliography database has just passed 23,000 entries. The reference that pushed it over this level is:

Hillier, Bill
    1996    Space is the Machine: A Configurational Approach to Architecture. Cambridge University Press, New York.

I decided to do a quick, almost certainly inaccurate, list of the top ten authors in my Endnote database. There is not a way to do this easily in Endnote, so I just thought of authors I know I have cited a lot over the years, or whose work I follow, and recorded how many entries I have for them as author. I found these eleven with lots of entries:

Gary Feinman:        102 works in my database
William Sanders:      74
Kenneth Hirth:         73
Joyce Marcus            72
Tim Earle:                59
Richard Blanton:       58
Eduardo Matos:          58
Kent Flannery          54
Frances Berdan        53
George Cowgill       51
Charles Tilly             48
Robert Sampson       39

My Endnote database may be the single best marker of my scholarly identity. I am a bibliography nut, so any time I come across a work that I think might be relevant to my publishing or teaching I add it to the database. The worst thing a reviewer can do is to point out that I have missed some relevant sources. I love it when I find new references in a student paper. The first thing I usually look at in a new paper is the bibliography.

Here are a few informative ratios of numbers of works. The first three measure my scientific, materialist perspective (or perhaps more precisely, my dismissal of postmodern works):

Mario Bunge to Michel Foucault:  4.0  (16 works to 4)
Charles Tilly to Christopher Tilley:  5.3  (48 to 9)
Marvin Harris to Pierre Bourdieu:  2.4  (12 to 5)
Bruce Trigger  to Michael Dietler:  2.3  (34 to 15)

Or, within Mesoamerica:

William Sanders to Michael Coe:  2.6  (74 to 28)
Michel Graulich to David Carrasco:  1.8  (39 to 22)
Joyce Marcus to Rosemary Joyce:  1.9   (72 to 37)
Joyce Marcus to Arthur Joyce:  2.2  (72 to 33)

I don't want to attribute much value to these ratios. They depend on region (more for central Mexico than the Maya area), career length of the authors, personal networks, how closely an author's work relates to my own interests, and other factors. But still, the first batch clearly captures my theoretical and epistemological orientation, and the second captures this factor as well as some regional biases. (Speaking of Pierro Bourdieu, stay tuned for a post on the "anti-Bourdieu").

Sunday, December 21, 2014

Archaeology in France and Germany

Roman amphitheater in Paris
I just returned from a trip to Paris and Bonn. In Paris I sat on the dissertation defense committee of Marion Forest. Marion passed with highest honors. Her dissertation is a social-spatial analysis of sites on the Malpais de Zacapu in Michoacan, Mexico. This is a lava flow with several large, densely-packed settlements with extraordinary architectural preservation. Her dissertation is quite good, with lots of good spatial and architectural data, and some information on artifacts:

Forest, Marion
2014    L'organisation sociospatiale des agglomérations urbaines du Malpaís de Zacapu, Michoacán, Mexique (1250-1450 après J.-C.). Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Archaeology, Université Paris 1, Panthéon-Sorbonne.

Bonn Cathedral
Marion spent a semester at Arizona State University a couple of years ago, working with me and other members of our comparative urban project. After several days in Paris, including some time looking at medieval remains (see my post on these in Wide Urban World), I took the train to Germany to give a lecture at the University of Bonn. This was part of an interesting program called The Archaeology of Pre-Modern Economies, organized jointly by the Universities of Bonn and Cologne. I got to hang out with Nikolai Grube for a while, and I met some interesting people, working on a variety of topics, from the Roman economy to tree-ring dating medieval sites in Germany to fieldwork at the city founded by Genghis Khan for his capital (Karakorum).

This experience brought home to me some of the differences between archaeology in Europe and the U.S. Much of the research done by European archaeologists is far more empirical and detailed than is common among U.S. scholars. More data are presented, and analyzed in more detail, by European archaeologists. I know this in intimately, after reading more than 500 pages of Marion's dissertation in French! On the other hand, there is less of a concern with theory and comparison. This difference is well known, and I have heard various discussions of it over the years. Those discussions often bemoan the lack of concern with theory by European archaeologists. What good are all those data if they aren't being used to make some broader point? Too bad those Europeans aren't up on the latest theory.

While I agree partially with this sentiment, I think the data-heavy approach in Europe has some advantages over the more theory-obsessed archaeology in North American anthropological archaeology. Archaeological argumentation in anthropological archaeology has gotten sloppy, and theory now substitutes for empirical content in too many cases. Young scholars often seem more interested in using fashionable theory than in presenting rigorous data. I recall a discussion with an (unnamed) colleague a few years ago. She was expressing concern that a published paper had too much data and not enough theory (by the way, I once had a paper rejected from a geography journal for that reason!). I replied that in 50 years no one would care about her theory, but if her data were good (obtained by rigorous methods and well presented), it would continue to be useful long into the future. She was horrified. My economist friend Jose Lobo recently pointed out one thing that unites the two of us is that we both "worship at the altar of data." Amen.

So while a dose of theory and comparative perspectives would benefit many archaeological studies by European scholars, I think a good dose of empirical data presentation would equally benefit research by my North American colleagues. Theory is too easy; obtaining and presenting good data is much more difficult.

Sunday, November 23, 2014

"Get me off your f_____ mailing list!"

I'm sure we have all had this sentiment, given the increase in garbage emails inviting us to attend bogus conferences and publish in bogus journals. Fed up with this, two authors created a paper that consists primarily of the phrase "Get me off your f_____ mailing list," repeated several hundred times. They submitted it to the journal, International Journal of Advanced Computer Technology, whose editor accepted the paper!! This is hilarious. See the nice discussion on Scolarly Open Access, and don't neglect to read the comments. There is also some discussion on IFL-Science and elsewhere.

The discussants at Scholarly Open Access suggest use of the random text generator at Scigen that will create bogus computer science papers, appropriate for bogus conferences and journals. For more humanities-oriented readers, try the Postmodern text generator - every time you access the site, a new postmodern text is generated.

Thanks to Julie and Rudy for alerting me to this hoax. Wow, it just occurred to me that perhaps some archaeology papers I've seen lately are hoaxes. Hmmmmmm.........

Sunday, November 16, 2014


Lund, Christian  (2014)  Of What is This a Case? Analytical Movements in Qualitative Social Science Research. Human Organization 73(3):224-234.

I just read this article, and it is fantastic. Alison Rautman suggested it: Thanks, Alison! Yeah, maybe its weird to get excited about epistemology, but given the sorry state of argumentation in archaeology, we really need to talk more about epistemology. A good place to begin is with methods of case study analysis.

Many, or perhaps most, archaeological studies are examples of case study research. That is, we are analyzing a small number of cases in order to draw conclusions and make general points. In my previous post on case study research, I suggest that archaeologists would do well to pay attention to the methodological literature on case study research in the social sciences. Now, that is a rather large literature, and much of it applies only tangentially to the kinds of data and concepts we use in archaeology. I always suggest that people reading John Gerring's (2007) textbook as a very useful introduction that has relevance for archaeology. Now I will add Christian Lund's new paper.

Lund uses a simple and clear scheme to analyze a number of issues in case study research. Here is his basic scheme:
 Most of this brief article consists of discussion of how scholars move between the specific and the general, and between the concrete and the abstract, in the course of research. Lund uses examples form his own ethnographic research on political economy in Africa, but most of what he says has broad applicability to archaeology and history. Here are some of the relevant concepts:

“Generalization is an attempt to see resonance with events and processes, largely at the same level of abstraction but in different temporal or spatial contexts.”

Abstraction “is an attempt to identify inherent decontextualized qualities or properties in the studied events.”

Theorization “is about moving from observation of empirical events, through concepts, to be able to say something about the inherent qualities and dynamics in contexts other than the ones studied. That is, there is both an element of decontextualization or abstraction and an element of transfactual corroboration in the process.” (all, p.229)

Scholars move back and forth among these concepts, among the cells in the above table, in their efforts to make sense of their data. Here is how Lund fills out his scheme for his particular research project:

I got all sorts of ideas and insights from this article. Rather than laying it all out here, I will recommend that you read the paper. I will just mention two points made in the conclusions (p. 231):

  1. "It is the movement between [the cells] and their articulation that produces epiphanies and analytical knowledge"
  2. "To discuss one's work with others on a regular basis may be the most important practice to gradually hone in on the potentiality for generalization, abstraction, and theoretical of the case."
Go read this article, and then talk about your research with friends, colleagues, and family. It will help you develop insights and advances.

Gerring, John  (2007)  Case Study Research: Principles and Practices. Cambridge University Press, New York.

Lund, Christian  (2014)  Of What is This a Case? Analytical Movements in Qualitative Social Science Research. Human Organization 73(3):224-234.

Friday, November 7, 2014

Social Science History Association, annual meeting

I am posting from Toronto, where I am attending the annual meeting of the Social Science History Association.  I've been a member of the SSHA for a few years; when I resigned from the American Anthropological Association in protest of their anti-science stance, I joined SSHA. I actually attended my first meeting in the 1980s, and published a paper in their journal, Social Science History, in 1987. But this is the first meeting I've attended since then. This has been an interesting weekend.

Professionally, there are some things the SSHA does well at their meeting, much better than the Society for American Archaeology meeting. Their sessions are all two hours in length. Most contain four papers of 20 minutes, plus time for a discussant, as well as time for discussion with the audience. Some of these discussions are run formally, with questions and answers, and some are more of a free-form discussion between presenters and audience. This format produces sessions much more intellectually satisfying experience than those at the SAA meeting, which has rushed papers, often ten or fifteen in a session, and no time for discussion.  All sessions fit into a single schedule grid, with 15 minutes between 2-hour time slots. This give time for continued discussion after a session, time to talk to people between sessions, and time to get to the next session. Sessions run on time.

The SSHA also has various alternative formats. They have a bunch of "author meets critics" sessions, with review of recent books, discussions with the author, and with the audience, and they have some roundtable events without formal papers.

Intellectually, many sessions have good coherence. The SSHA is organized into a series of 15 or 20 "networks." These are topic-based groups of members; I am in the urban and macro-historical change networks. There are also networks on gender, historical geography, cultural history, politics, and a bunch of others. Panels are reviewed by the networks, and the network coordinators assemble sessions from loose papers. My talk was submitted to the urban network, but they put me in a session organized by the historical geography network because of the GIS theme. The papers were diverse but very interesting and coherent in terms of analyses of movement using historical GIS data.

Each annual conference has an overall theme. Although all sessions do not have to relate to the theme, many do. This year the topic is "inequality," and I managed to hear a talk on inequality by Andrew Abbott, a sociologist I admire. Very interesting. They also evidently have a session about Charles Tilly every year, always overflowing. Tilly was an important part of the SSHA, and many of his colleagues and students are active members. There were four very interesting talks on extending Tilly's work in new directions. The chair was Daniel Little, author of the best social science blog, Understanding Society (it is listed in the right-hand panel here). In the audience discussion I talked about the lack of interest in Tilly's work in the field of anthropology. I mentioned that a paper I wrote (with Frannie Berdan) applying Tilly's model of durable inequality (Tilly 1998) to the Aztecs was rejected by American Anthropologist. Its sitting in a (virtual) drawer right now. Then, after the session, the editor of Social Science History came up and said that she'd love to get our paper applying Tilly's ideas to the Aztecs for the journal!
Charles Tilly
I also met Richard Harris for the first time. So now we both have to stop telling the story of how we had co-authored a paper with someone we have never met (Harris and Smith 2011)! Our paper was a response to a clueless survey of the field of urban studies that left out history and comparison. Our reply: "History matters" for urban studies.

I also met a colleague from ASU, urban historian Philip Vandermeer, for the first time. Its strange when you have to go to Toronto to meet a colleague from across campus.

This meeting was a very different experience from the SAA in that I know very few people. I'm not sure I'd want to go every year (next year the theme is pluralism, not exactly a major theme of my research). There just aren't enough papers from before the 18th century, or focusing on nonwestern settings.  But it has been fun and interesting. I had to overcome my archaeological inferiority complex. What am I doing here with a bunch of heavy-duty social science historians? Why would they care about archaeology? But this is a thoroughly interdisciplinary crowd, and in their estimation archaeology is great if contributes to answering questions of interest.

The image of a cat next to a net is an in-joke from the Tilly session.

Harris, Richard and Michael E. Smith  (2011)  The History in Urban Studies: A Comment. Journal of Urban Affairs 33(1):99-105.

Smith, Michael E.  (1987)  Archaeology and the Aztec Economy: The Social Scientific Use of Archaeological Data. Social Science History 11:237-259.

Tilly, Charles  (1998)  Durable Inequality. University of California Press, Berkeley.